Daoist Identity Read online

  Myths, finally, and their correlates, theological stories and symbolic tales, provide a “shorthand for basic personal and social experiences”

  and thereby sacralize experience, “holding arbitrariness at bay and reinforcing identity” (Mol 1976, 246). They interpret reality, often de-

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  picting it in terms of dramatic conflict, showing the interlocking and continuously interacting pattern of contrasting elements and opposites. They do not present just one mode of action or attitude but point out the mutual interaction and simultaneous presence in the world of diversity and integration, conflict and union (Mol 1983, 65). Often using sexual imagery, they show how opposites attract, interact, create harmony, and divide again—coming together yet remaining always inherently apart. Myths represent an “emotion-laden assertion of man’s place in the world” (Mol 1976, 14), which they sacralize through recurrent narration. Telling stories and providing relevant symbols, they reinforce the reality created through other forms of sacralization and help people find their way in day-to-day living.

  Mol makes it clear that while his analysis of the four major patterns of the creation and maintenance of identity is based on and can best be seen in a religious context, it is by no means limited to it. Rather, sacralization is an ongoing process that places concepts, attachments, and behavior patterns in a position of taken-for-granted–ness—and by no means do they have to be religiously sponsored or transcendent to fulfill their function as mainstays of identity. Focusing more on the specific problem of religious identity, on the other hand, some recent studies have concentrated on the comparative roles of ethnicity and culture. The consensus is that religious identity is, by necessity, shaped through culture and ethnic background, shown in the facts that different groups following the same religion perform rites and interpret beliefs differently depending on their cultural and ethnic background (e.g., Roman Catholics in different countries; see Lewins 1978) and that as cultures change so do the ideals and practices of their relevant religions (e.g., Roman Catholicism in modern societies; see Greinacher 1994; King 1994). Roman Catholic leaders afford a yet completely different perspective on religious identity, first defining an abstract sense of the Church (as the only and unfailing means to salvation), then shaping believers’ personal and social identities in accordance with it, and, finally, dealing with the inevitable conflicts either by ignoring them or by judging and punishing them in a strict scheme of hierarchy and authority (see Borras 1994). The problem that is raised in this context, however, which is of wider interest, is the notion of a plurality of identities within the same overall organization, which necessitates the ranking of beliefs, convictions, commitments, and formal sets of behavior. It illustrates the dynamics of a living religious community and the ongoing process of identity formation in the shaping of both ideals and realities (see Van der Ven 1994, 30–32).

  Introduction

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  Daoism

  This plurality of identity is a point most obviously valid in Daoism, which during the more than two thousand years of its existence has evolved in close interaction with the other major traditions of China, notably Confucianism, Buddhism, ethnic creeds, and popular religion.

  To the present day, the religion thus consists of a multiplicity of beliefs and practices, a fact that has presented a major challenge to scholars attempting to grapple with what exactly Daoism is. This challenge, as well as the development of the religion itself, can well be understood as the continuous interaction of the two forces of differentiation and integration, the move to change in accordance with political and economic developments and to adopt ever new forms and patterns from a variety of different souces versus the urge to create stability and continuity through the establishment of belief systems, lineage lines, rituals, and valid myths.

  Over the centuries, different aspects and schools of Daoism have favored different modes of sacralization and identity formation, each placing its key emphasis on one pattern and paying less attention to the others. Thinkers or literati Daoists, often working in the wake of Laozi and Zhuangzi, thus have opted to formulate belief systems, yet they were also committed to their inspiring models and their myths and followed regimens of ritually formalized self-cultivation to enhance the philosophers’ concepts in their lives. The members of the early movements, Great Peace and Celestial Masters, focused on ritual patterns and behavioral models, but they also had a clear belief system—

  including a new level of transcendence that allowed them to experiment with new social forms and ethnic integration—and required a strong commitment of members to the group, as expressed in sexual rites and the use of confession rather than medicine to heal diseases.

  The major medieval schools of Shangqing and Lingbao, as well as the integrated organization of Daoism in the Tang dynasty, developed most strongly through the adaptation of Buddhist elements: beliefs, lineage structures, organizations, rituals, and symbols. These schools contributed to the development of several completely different forms of Daoism. The same pattern holds true again for the many schools and trends of modern Daoism since the Song dynasty, in which the area of adaptation and merging has been popular religion and regional cults (and, most recently, health practices) rather than Buddhism. Through it all, Daoism has grown and flourished and changed—every time a new level of differentiation has occurred, new forms of integration

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  have emerged (and are still emerging), leaving both believers and scholars at a loss when trying to pinpoint a continuous line, the one firm inner soliditas of Daoism.

  Any fruitful discussion of Daoist identity, in light of these observations, must first of all do away with the futile endeavor to find permanence and solidity in the tradition and begin by looking at identity as process. Rather than focusing on one, single static item, it must study the dynamics of identity in various areas of sacralization and specific situations—historical periods, schools, and local communities. Approaching the problem from this perspective, the conference on Daoist identity came to concentrate on four distinct areas of Daoist identity formation, three of which match the sacralization patterns described by Mol. We found that identity developed through the creation of belief systems focusing on the Dao, commonly expressed in and transmitted through texts (= objectivation). Daoist identity also grew from the establishment of lineages that often combined local and popular or ethnic bonds with certain religious ideas and practices (= commitment). Then again, the religion shaped its self-understanding through ritual practices, and here especially through the establishment of firm boundaries vis-à-vis Buddhism in the middle ages and popular religion in modern Daoism (= ritual). In addition, the early movements (Great Peace and Celestial Masters) were found to represent thoroughly fascinating case studies of Daoist identity, since they were such close-knit communities that set themselves up to be intentionally different through beliefs, group cohesion, and rituals yet could not help absorbing and using common cultural and ethnic patterns and the practices of popular religion. A case study of the early movements is presented first in this volume, followed by more topic-centered presentations that span various periods of history.

  To summarize the volume’s conclusions: there are certain general or typical patterns in Daoist identity formation. To begin, objectivation occurs in a Daoist context through specific key ideas or concepts that tend to lie at the root of sustaining belief systems. These concepts are the Dao as the underlying force of the world, the pure world of the spirits and gods, and the notion of a self harbored and supported by the all-pervasive Dao that is also present in every individual’s body, mind, and spirit. These beliefs tend to be expressed and transmitted in writing, so that the written word, and by extension the sacred text, emerges as the major concrete focus of this form of identity. Whether the texts are the works of Laozi and Zhuangzi that have continued to inspire literati Daoists, religious texts that were handed
down in strict

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  lines of masters and disciples (thus creating commitment), or poetic stanzas and metaphors that expressed the writer’s innermost feelings, objectivation in Daoism appears as a predominantly literati enterprise, in which words and concepts take precedence over personal or group cohesion and the practice and cultivation of rituals.

  This impression, of course, may well reflect the lopsided view of the modern scholar who only has access to the texts that formulate the concepts and cannot see the accompanying interpersonal relationships, annual rites, and daily regimens. Still, one may suspect that every formulation of a Daoist belief system carried a certain degree of commitment and social interaction and came with sets of formalized behaviors, if only the repeated recitation and honoring of the sacred text.3 These literati Daoists, therefore, even though they do not belong to organized groups or engage in obvious rituals, must not be ignored. After all, they call themselves Daoist and create their identity with the help of Daoist concepts while also helping to form an identity for the religion. For scholars, the most important lesson to be learned from these cases is to treat all representatives of a tradition with respect and not bring in their own prejudices. As emerged clearly from the discussions at the conference, one should not, as one participant offered, “hesitate to see Yu Xuanji as a Daoist poetess, because she is too violent,” nor should one categorically claim that all “Daoism is about gods and sin.” The religion has many facets, and we need to listen closely and carefully to all those who claim affiliation with it to see just how they shape it and are shaped by it.

  Commitment in Daoism, next, was found most clearly expressed in a sense of lineage, the major means by which the religious content (ideas and rites) were transmitted from master to disciples, continu-ing an original revelation from the deity, or immortal, to the founder, or patriarch, of the school. Identity through lineage is thus of both this world, through the link with the living master, and the otherworld, through the active connection with the deity. Then again, identity through commitment can be created ex post facto through the active and conscious establishment of a lineage consisting largely of historical, legendary, and divine personages. Inspiring saints, former seekers, and immortals who went their own way and were often eccentric wanderers with a distinct dislike for all forms of organization and structure would then be turned into masters of the ideas and practices of specific schools and venerated as patriarchs.4 The construction of lineages in this way shows most clearly the patterns of differentiation and integration at work in the religion. That lineage is central in Daoism

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  is no accident, since lineages form the backbone of Chinese social organization in general. The primary among them is, of course, the family, honored and worshiped in the ancestral cult. But there are also local elites that organize themselves in lineages; the political aristocracy has a clear sense of ranks and hierarchy; and the intellectual aristocracy tends to organize itself in schools of thinkers, poets, and painters.

  Religious lineages share the characteristics of all these lines, following similar structures and imitating the family model.

  Identity created through lineage, next, carries over into the ritual sector when specific groups set up rules for moral purity, rites for initiation and ordination, and other unique ways of life (through special clothing, facial marks, diets, and so forth). Specifically religious rituals among Daoist groups, however, had to contend most vigorously with the fact that many of their forms were adapted from either Buddhism or popular religion. Clear boundaries had to be established to keep Daoist rites functional for Daoist identity. Throughout history, Daoist communities have been open to others and have welcomed outsiders and non-Daoist ways. Daoist temples, therefore, often were and are community temples; Daoist offerings have included blood sacrifices in adaptation of popular practices; Daoist hand gestures and incantations have integrated Buddhist mudras and mantras; Daoist rituals of salvation of the dead have been similar to Buddhist and popular practices; and even the uniquely Daoist practice of sending announcements, petitions, and memorials to the celestial administration has involved addressing popular and foreign gods.

  To delineate a Daoist identity through ritual, scholars must examine the rites for their uniquely Daoist aspects. Thus, for example, Daoist ritual gestures can be described as unique in that the different parts of the hand are correlated with different aspects of the cosmos, and even though the gesture may have an Indian name and imitate Buddhism, its cosmic meaning and impact on the universe are strictly Daoist. Similarly, there may be offerings of pigs and other animals during a Daoist jiao, but they are placed far away from the most holy activity. The ritual banquet, moreover, in Buddhism enacts the welcome that a host extends to his or her guest; in Daoism it is an audience with the celestials. And, most importantly, the Daoist priest becomes, for the duration of the ritual, a celestial officer, his or her task the conveyance of formal orders to the heavenly administration. He or she is not a supplicant, a mediator, or a meditator but an officer with rank and regalia. His or her interaction with the divine is almost exclusively through written documents that are often lengthy, convoluted, and

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  penned in formal classical Chinese. Although specific acts, symbolic objects, or chanted formulas may have been adopted from other traditions, they were yet translated succesfully into a Daoist context and have come to serve the world of the Dao, reinforcing both the identity of the individual and the group as Daoist.

  In all these ways of forming Daoist identity, specific concepts, images, metaphors, and symbols play a pervasive role, constructing a valid network of ideas and a flow of narrative to show how to be Daoist in this world. Although myths per se were not singled out as a category in the contributions or discussions at the conference, their presence through images and symbols is ubiquitous, appearing in all the various venues of Daoist identity.

  The Contributions

  The first part of this volume discusses the specific ways of forming identity in the early Daoist movements, the Way of Great Peace and Celestial Masters. In chapter 1, “Ethnic Identity and Daoist Identity in Traditional China,” Terry Kleeman raises a number of questions from both early and modern sources pertaining to the issue of how Daoist religious movements dealt with peoples of different ethnic backgrounds. He argues that from its very inception as an institutionalized religion, Daoism has been significantly shaped by non-Chinese ethnic groups, and he demonstrates that even today, archaic forms of Daoism survive among non-Chinese peoples long after they have died out among the Chinese.

  Taking the case of the Ba minority in second-century c.e., Sichuan, Kleeman explores the reasons for their initial attraction to the religions of the Celestial Masters, how the early Daoist movement assimilated elements of Ba popular religious beliefs, and how the Ba were able to retain various aspects of these beliefs as well as their unique ethnic identity while still embracing and being embraced by this new religious and political movement. Kleeman concludes that the earliest Celestial Masters community in Sichuan was multiethnic, and he further traces a liberal Daoist approach to ethnic minorities into later centuries, touching upon an ethos that emerged from the Daoist self-conception as a universal religion, which finally changed with the intense nationalism of the Song period. He also touches upon the fascinating case of the modern Yao peoples of Southeast Asia who maintain a Daoist priesthood and religious institutions long since abandoned among ethnic Chinese. In the end, Kleeman raises a number

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  of issues about the interpenetration of Daoist identity and ethnic identity that can serve as the basis for future research.

  Tsuchiya Masaaki, in his chapter, “Confessions of Sins and Awareness of Self in the Taiping jing, ” presents a careful analysis of the rituals of confession undertaken by members of the Way of Great Peace in o
rder to cure ailments and diseases, adumbrating how they were conducted and why they were believed to be efficacious. The penitent frequently entered into a private chamber in order to ritually purify herself or himself through physical and mental fasting, concentrating on various gods that resided in the inner organs of the body, and self-reflecting to determine which of her or his deeds were evil. This was followed by a public confession of sins, possibly self-punishment, and the eventual curing of the affliction.

  A singularly fascinating aspect of Tsuchiya’s presentation is his explanation of the underlying mechanism of this expiation of guilt. While it may have been the case that in earlier times, sin was forgiven or punished directly by an anthropomorphic god, the explanation provided in the Taiping jing details how this takes place. According to the text, Heaven, Earth, and Humanity form an intricately related triad, interacting through the medium of qi (vital energy). Evil deeds alter the qi and the entire being of the sinner, creating a disharmony with Heaven, causing the spirit to flee the body, and bringing on disease. Ritual purification in the meditation chamber and public confession cause certain significant alterations in the mind and qi of the supplicant, which are then communicated directly to Heaven through qi. Heaven recognizes the renewal of a sincere will and the restoring of harmony by mercifully removing the ailment.