To Write in the Light of Freedom Read online

  To Write in the Light of Freedom

  TO WRITE IN THE

  LIGHT OF FREEDOM

  The Newspapers of the 1964 Mississippi Freedom Schools

  Edited by

  William Sturkey and Jon N. Hale

  Margaret Walker Alexander Series

  in African American Studies

  www.upress.state.ms.us

  The University Press of Mississippi is a member

  of the Association of American University Presses.

  Copyright © 2015 by University Press of Mississippi

  All rights reserved

  Manufactured in the United States of America

  First printing 2015

  ∞

  Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

  To write in the light of freedom : the newspapers of the 1964 Mississippi Freedom Schools / edited by William Sturkey and Jon N. Hale.

  pages cm — (Margaret Walker Alexander series in African American studies)

  Includes index.

  “This collection contains Freedom School newspapers gathered from archives, libraries, and personal collections across America”—Introduction.

  ISBN 978-1-62846-188-6 (hardback) — ISBN 978-1-62846-189-3 (ebook) 1. African Americans—Mississippi—Social conditions—20th century. 2. African Americans—Civil rights—Mississippi—History—20th century. 3. Civil rights movements—Mississippi—History—20th century. 4. Mississippi Freedom Schools. 5. African American students—Mississippi—History—20th century. 6. Student newspapers and periodicals—Mississippi—History—20th century. I. Sturkey, William, editor of compilation. II. Hale, Jon N.

  E185.93.M6T6 2015

  323.1196’07307620904—dc23

  2014024113

  British Library Cataloging-in-Publication Data available

  This book is dedicated to the courageous

  individuals who attended and taught in the

  Mississippi Freedom Schools during the summer of 1964.

  Your vision and passion continues to inspire thousands.

  Contents

  Introduction

  Benton County Freedom Train

  Drew Freedom Fighter

  The Freedom Carrier (Greenwood, MS)

  Hattiesburg Freedom Press

  Student Voice of True Light (Hattiesburg, MS)

  The Freedom News (Holly Springs, MS)

  Freedom’s Journal (McComb, MS)

  Freedom Star (Meridian, MS)

  Freedom News (Palmer’s Crossing, MS)

  Ruleville Freedom Fighter

  Freedom Flame (Shaw, MS)

  Acknowledgments

  Notes

  Index

  To Write in the Light of Freedom

  Introduction

  The Mississippi Freedom Schools changed lives. They opened doors for students, creating exciting new possibilities for thousands of young black Mississippians who attended them during the summer of 1964. Those eager young pupils, longing for equality and freedom, lived in a society still dominated by the unjust Jim Crow racial order that affected everything in their environment from schools to Coca-Cola machines to graveyards. That unbending system followed black Mississippians like shadows, constantly reminding that society had deemed them inferior. Daily events such as going to the movies, buying ice cream, or playing a ball game were haunted by “Whites Only” signs, heartless racial epithets, and the ever-present threat of violence. Jim Crow hovered over their lives and dreams, telling them “no” at every turn: no, they could not swim in the public pool; no, they could not take the school bus; no, they could not use the public library; and no, they would never be equal to the white children who lived across town. Freedom Schools offered something different. The Freedom Schools told them yes.

  The Mississippi Freedom Schools were a series of voluntary schools conducted across the state during the summer of 1964. Organized by civil rights activists, Freedom Schools were designed to empower black Mississippi youths by supplementing their substandard public school educational opportunities with rigorous content and culturally relevant instruction. Still racially segregated a decade after the United States Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision, Mississippi’s black and white public schools were extremely unequal. On average, the state spent about four times as much on white students as black pupils. Everything in the African American schools was inferior—desks, chairs, windows, bathrooms, chalkboards, even the books. Many black students only received hand-me-down books from white schools. Every autumn, entire classes of black students opened the front cover of their textbooks only to find long lists of white students who had used the books when they were newer. As one African American student lamented, “This past term some of my books were as old as I.” One of the most disturbing tales of educational inequality came from Ruleville. Every November in Ruleville, black students were loaded onto busses and forced to pick cotton for days on end. “I was 7 in the 3rd grade when I first went to the fields to pick,” reported one African American student. The entire state was filled with heartbreaking tales of educational disparities. Thousands of black students simply did not have a chance. In November of 1963, civil rights organizer Charlie Cobb proposed “Freedom Schools” to help remedy the tragic educational disparities and develop a new generation of activists. He wanted to create spaces of equality and opportunity, or “Houses of Liberty,” as one student later dubbed her Freedom School.1

  Throughout the summer of 1964, black Mississippi youths rushed to the Freedom Schools in unexpected numbers, packing the churches and homes where the schools were being held. They came in droves because of the powerful educational and intellectual promise of Freedom School. Freedom Schools bolstered their students’ self-esteem and expectations by connecting their lives to the rich traditions of black resistance and teaching them about the rights they were supposed to have as American citizens. The experience helped many young people develop a new way of thinking and a renewed confidence in their future. As fifteen-year-old Freedom School student Albert Evans explained, “Today I am the world’s footstool but tomorrow I hope to be one of its leaders. By attending Freedom School this summer I am preparing for that tomorrow.”2 Throughout that summer, thousands of young African Americans like Albert arrived at the Freedom Schools ready to escape the boundaries of blackness in the Jim Crow South. By mid-July, over fifteen hundred students were enrolled in the Mississippi Freedom Schools. In the coming weeks they were joined by more than a thousand of their peers. Most of their lives would never be the same.

  The experiences and voices of those hopeful Mississippi Freedom School students are captured in the following pages. Their own words are published here as part of an unprecedented collection of articles, essays, poems, and testimonies written by Freedom School students during the summer of 1964. After a brief introduction that offers a broader context and defines key historical moments in the Civil Rights Movement, this book contains hundreds of writings published in a series of newspapers produced by Freedom School students. By publishing their works, this primary source collection highlights those students’ voices and displays their powerful responses to life in the Jim Crow South, the Civil Rights Movement, and the legendary Freedom Schools themselves, offering today’s readers a unique view into the transformative power of Freedom Schools through the eyes of the inspirational students who spent their summers in those “Houses of Liberty,” learning, growing, and dreaming as they never had before.3

  The Background of Jim Crow and Education in Mississippi

  In the summer of 1964, a coalition of Mississippi-based civil rights organizations launched perhaps the most ambitious campaign of the
entire Civil Rights Movement. Together, they set out to “crack” Mississippi, the nation’s most racially oppressive state. Black Mississippians had been fighting for greater freedoms since Emancipation. For nearly a century, they had been building, developing, and organizing strong communities to improve their lives under the brutal specter of Jim Crow. Optimism increased during World War II when America seemingly took a firm stance against racism. Thousands of black Mississippians joined the fight for international democracy and returned from serving their country overseas expecting to enjoy the promises of democracy at home. But they were met by white supremacists who fiercely defended Jim Crow. Still, black communities continued fighting for social equality, the right to vote, and better educational opportunities for their children. In 1960, these courageous local activists received a major boost when a representative from a civil rights organization named the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) arrived in Mississippi looking for ways to help. Four years later, that swelling coalition of local and external civil rights activists brought thousands of reinforcements from across America into Mississippi as part of an epic civil rights campaign known as Freedom Summer. It was an exciting new phase in a long struggle.

  Mississippi’s modern white supremacist order began taking shape in 1875 when self-armed groups of white vigilantes organized to expel African Americans from the voting rolls. During the Reconstruction era that followed the Civil War, black Mississippians had been granted full citizenship, the right to vote (for males), and access to public school education. These newfound rights infuriated thousands of white Mississippians who had only known the old racial order created by slavery. The Civil War set those former slaves free, and some of the former bondspeople were even thriving, rising higher in society than many poor whites. Two African Americans—Hiram Revels and Bruce Blanche—had even become United States senators. On top of that, virtually all newly enfranchised black citizens voted Republican, further drawing the ire of many white southerners who despised the “Party of Lincoln.” Resolving to reestablish Democratic political rule and racial domination, the state’s most ardent white supremacists began organizing small vigilante groups that met in secret to plan for change. As historian Vernon Lane Wharton has written, these organizations had one goal: “the restoration of white supremacy in Mississippi.” Their efforts culminated on election day in 1875.4

  On November 2, 1875, the vigilante groups and their allies—collectively known as the “Redeemers”—successfully regained control over the state legislature. They used any means necessary to ensure a sweeping political victory, arriving at polling places with guns or cannons to intimidate Republican voters, stuffing ballot boxes, and attacking would-be black voters. Some African Americans who tried to cast ballots were even killed. The federal government, weary from nearly fifteen years of war and occupation, sat idly by as Mississippi’s Redeemers overthrew the state’s Republican Party.5

  The success of the Mississippi Revolution of 1875 inspired similar white supremacist uprisings across the South. The following year saw massive electoral fraud and violence against black voters in states such as Florida, Louisiana, and South Carolina, leading to a compromise that ultimately ended Reconstruction. In 1877, President Rutherford B. Hayes withdrew federal troops from the South, leaving millions of African Americans, just over a decade out of slavery, to fend for themselves. A new standardized form of white supremacy crept over the region. White legislators passed strict segregation laws and repealed many of the political gains made by African Americans after Emancipation. The coming years saw the rise of Jim Crow, a brutal racial order that separated black and white southerners in nearly all aspects of society and excluded African Americans from the finest opportunities of the oncoming twentieth century.6

  Mississippi’s black public school system was hit particularly hard by the emergence of Jim Crow. Five years before the Revolution of 1875, black Mississippi legislators and their Republican allies had created the South’s first public school system for African Americans. Black Mississippians had always desired education. Even during the antebellum era, thousands of enslaved African Americans broke the law by learning to read and write. Worried about enslaved people’s ability to forge passes or communicate between plantations, white slave owners forbade their field hands to gain literacy. But the bondspeople strove to learn anyway. They smuggled newspapers and books into slave quarters and taught each other to read whenever they got the chance. One young former slave named Isaiah Montgomery remembered spending nights reading a contraband copy of Uncle Tom’s Cabin to his fellow bondsmen who greatly appreciated the boy’s willingness to share his literacy.7

  Immediately after the Civil War, African Americans flocked to schools run by the Freedmen’s Bureau, a government organization in charge of overseeing the transition of bondspeople from slavery to freedom. These Freedmen’s Bureau schools were enormously popular across Mississippi. Entire black communities turned out to attend and support them. Others actually established their own independent school systems when the Freedmen’s Bureau schools did not fully meet their needs. Literacy was a practical matter for the freedpeople. It allowed them to sign land deeds, analyze work contracts, and read the Bible. Learning also made them citizens, enabling them to follow political developments and cast ballots. For many, reading was a status symbol. Among an entire generation of former slaves who had been systematically kept illiterate, those who could read were often held in high esteem.8

  In 1870, black Mississippi legislators established a permanent public school system for African Americans to replace the temporary Freedmen’s Bureau schools. These new public schools were not racially integrated. They were, however, designed to be equal. The initial Mississippi public school mandate called for “separate free public schools for whites and colored pupils” with “the same and equal advantages and immunities under the provision of this act.” Black legislators included a series of protective clauses to ensure that African American students enjoyed similar educational opportunities as their white counterparts. The act included a provision that read, “whenever any county, municipal, corporation, or school district shall fail to provide separate schools for white and colored pupils, with the same and equal advantages,” the responsible parties “shall be punished by a fine of not less than two hundred dollars, nor more than five hundred dollars, and by imprisonment in the county jail, for not less than three months.” Additionally, the act stated that “such persons so offending shall also be liable to an action for damages by the parent or guardian of the pupil so refused.” These penalties made racially unequal school funding a fairly serious crime, one publishable by a large fine, imprisonment, and even civil lawsuits. But like any law, the new public school regulations were only effective if enforced. After Mississippi’s white Redeemers claimed power in 1875, no legislator dared to even suggest that the state enforce racial equality in public schools. In fact, they did just the opposite.9

  Almost immediately after the Revolution of 1875, Mississippi’s new Democratic-controlled state legislature began diverting resources from black public schools. The first action they took was to change the leadership. In February of 1876, Mississippi Superintendent of Education Thomas Cardoza, an African American, was accused of embezzling over $18,000 in school funds (the historical equivalent of approximately $360,000) and forced to resign before being impeached or murdered.10 He was replaced by a white Democrat named T. S. Gathright, who once called Mississippi’s black public school system “an unmitigated outrage upon the rights and liberties of the white people of the State.”11 Gathright began making drastic cuts, especially to black teachers’ salaries. In just one year, the average monthly salaries of black teachers dropped from $53.45 to $38.54. By 1890, teachers in black schools were paid only $23.20 per month, less than half of what they had earned twenty years before. All aspects of school funding experienced similar reductions. Every year, white Mississippi legislators gave less and less to support the state’s black public
schools. Other discriminatory measures followed.12

  In 1889, African American teachers were expelled from the Mississippi Educational Association, the state’s professional teaching organization.13 Legislators also enacted strict control over school lessons. They removed large sections of African American history from schoolbooks. New textbooks commonly ignored the history of Reconstruction-era black leaders and often depicted slavery as an essential, sometimes even pleasant, social device designed to ease the transition of Africans into a Christian democracy. Black teachers who discussed radical African American heroes or cast slavery in a negative light were quickly dismissed and barred from teaching in the Mississippi public schools. During a process that historians have often dubbed “counter Reconstruction,” white Mississippi legislators stripped African American schools of their resources and established strict control over their curricula, limiting the once-promising educational opportunities of black public schools.14

  Black Mississippians struggled to preserve the promise of education. In what historian James Anderson has labeled “double taxation,” many African American communities used their own resources to subsidize the underfunded black schools. They repaired and maintained schoolhouses, joined Parent-Teacher Associations, and donated time and money. But they could only do so much. Despite their efforts, the stark realities of racially discriminatory spending just simply crippled many black schools. The effects lingered across generations. As historian Christopher Span has concluded, “The schools that African American children would attend from 1880 until the late 1960s would primarily educate them for a life of second-class citizenship and servitude.”15

  In 1890, Mississippi’s predominantly white legislative body convened to formally remove African American political rights. Although the Mississippi Revolution of 1875 was effective in disfranchising most black voters, the tactics of violence and intimidation were also illegal. Technically, African Americans were still legally guaranteed the right to vote by the 15th Amendment, which the state had ratified in 1870 as a precondition for rejoining the Union. Therefore, denying black citizens the right to vote was illegal, even if the federal government turned a blind eye to disfranchisement. To legally remove African Americans from voter rolls, Mississippi legislators gathered in 1890 to produce a new state constitution.16