Raul Hilberg Read online




  THE

  DESTRUCTION

  OF THE

  EUROPEAN

  JEWS

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  O

  L

  THE

  DESTRUCTION m

  OF THE e

  EUROPEAN

  n

  JEWS °

  REVISED AND DEFINITIVE EDITION E'1

  RAUL HILBERG E

  HOLMES & MEIER

  NEW YORK LONDON

  Published in the United States of America 1985 by

  Holmes & Meier Publishers, Inc.

  30 Irving Place

  New York, N.Y. 10003

  Great Britain:

  Holmes & Meier Publishers, Ltd.

  Unit 5 Greenwich Industrial Estate

  345 Woolwich Road Charlton, London SE7

  Copyright © 1985 by Raul Hilberg

  All rights reserved

  Book design by Stephanie Barton

  Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

  Hilberg, Raul, 1926—

  The destruction of the European lews.

  Includes bibliographical references and index.

  1. Holocaust, Jewish (1939-1945) 2. Germany—

  Politics and government—1933-1945. I. Title.

  D810.J4H5 1985

  940.53'15'03924

  83-18369

  ISBN 0-8419-0832-X (set)

  Manufactured in the United States of America

  V O L U M E O N E

  c

  P R E F A C E i x

  o

  C H A P T E R O N E 3

  PRECEDENTS

  C H A P T E R T W O 2 9

  N

  ANTECEDENTS

  C H A P T E R T H R E E 5 1

  T

  T H E STRUCTURE OF DESTRUCTION

  C H A P T E R F O U R 63

  DEFINITION BY DECREE

  E

  C H A P T E R F I V E 81

  EXPROPRIATION

  Dismissals 83

  N

  Aryanizations 94

  Property Taxes 134

  Blocked Money 139

  T

  Forced Labor and Wage Regulations 144

  Special Income Taxes 148

  s

  Starvation Measures 149

  C H A P T E R S I X 1 5 5

  CONCENTRATION

  The Reich-Protektorat Area 157

  Poland 188

  The Expulsions 205

  Ghetto Formation 215

  Ghetto Maintenance 234

  Confiscations 239

  Labor Exploitation 249

  Food Controls 259

  Sickness and Death in the Ghettos 266

  C H A P T E R S E V E N 2 7 1

  MOBILE KILLING OPERATIONS

  Preparations 274

  The First Sweep 291

  Strategy 292

  Cooperation with the Mobile Killing Units 2 99

  The Killing Operations and Their Repercussions 317

  The Killing of the Prisoners of War 334

  The Intermediary Stage 341

  The Second Sweep 368

  vl

  V O L U M E T W O

  C H A P T E R E I G H T 3 9 1

  DEPORTATIONS

  Central Agencies of Deportation 407

  The Reich-Protektorat Area 416

  The Uprooting Process 416

  Special Problem 1: Mischlinge and Jews in Mixed Marriages 417

  Special Problem 2: The Theresienstadt Jews 430

  Special Problem 3: The Deferred Jews 439

  Special Problem 4: The Incarcerated Jews 449

  Seizure and Transport 454

  Confiscations 471

  Poland 482

  Preparations 483

  The Conduct of the Deportations 489

  Economic Consequences 523

  The Semicircular Arc 543

  The North 554

  Norway 555

  Denmark 558

  The West 568

  The Netherlands 570

  Luxembourg 597

  Belgium 599

  France 609

  Italy 660

  The Balkans 679

  Military Area “Southeast" 681

  Serbia

  682

  Greece

  692

  Satellites par Excellence

  Croatia

  708

  Slovakia

  718

  The Opportunistic Satellites

  Bulgaria

  743

  Romania

  758

  Hungary

  796

  V O L U M E T H R E E

  C H A P T E R N I N E 8 6 1

  KILLING CENTER OPERATIONS

  Origins of the Killing Centers 863

  Organization, Personnel, and Maintenance 894

  Labor Utilization 917

  Medical Experiments 936

  Confiscations 947

  Killing Operations 961

  Concealment 962

  The "Conveyer Belt" 967

  Erasure 976

  Liquidation of the Killing Centers and the End of the

  Destruction Process 979

  C H A P T E R T E N 9 9 1

  REFLECTIONS

  The Perpetrators 993

  The Destructive Expansion 994

  The Obstacles 1002

  Administrative Problems 1003

  Psychological Problems 1007

  The Victims 1030

  C H A P T E R E L E V E N

  1045

  CONSEQUENCES

  The Trials 1060

  Rescue 1109

  Salvage 1154

  C H A P T E R T W E L V E 1185

  IMPLICATIONS

  A P P E N D I X A 1195

  GERMAN RANKS

  A P P E N D I X B 1199

  STATISTICS OF JEWISH DEAD

  A P P E N D I X C 1221

  NOTATION ON SOURCES

  The work culminating in the contents of these volumes was begun P

  in 1948. Thirty-six years have passed since then, but the project

  has remained with me, from early youth to late middle age, sometimes

  interrupted but never abandoned, because of a question I asked. From

  R

  the start I have wanted to know how the Jews of Europe were destroyed. I wanted to explore the sheer mechanism of destruction, and as I delved into the problem, 1 saw that I was studying an administra­

  E

  tive process carried out by bureaucrats in a network of offices spanning

  a continent. Understanding the components of this apparatus, with all

  the facets of its activities, became the principal task of my life.

  F

  The “how” of the event is a way of gaining insights into perpetrators, victims, and bystanders. The roles of all three will be described in this work. The German officeholders will be shown passing memo­

  A

  randa

  from

  desk

  to

  desk,

  conferring

  about

  definitions

  and

  classifications, and drafting public laws or secret instructions in their

  relentless drive against the Jews. The Jewish community, caught in the

  C

  thicket of these measures, will be viewed in terms of what it did and did

  not do in response to the German assault. The outside world is a part of

  this history by virtue of its posture as spectator.

  Still, the act of destruction was German, and the primary
focus in

  E

  PREFACE

  this portrayal is therefore placed on the German conceptualizes, initiators, and implementers of the deed. They constructed the framework within which collaborators in Axis and occupied countries made their

  contributions to the operation, and they created the conditions that

  confronted Jewry in a closed ghetto, the roulette wheel of a roundup,

  or at the entrance of a gas chamber. To inquire into the structure of the

  phenomenon is to ask the question about the Germans first.

  I have looked for answers in a large number of documents. These

  materials are not merely a record of events, but artifacts of the administrative machinery itself. What we call a documentary source was once an order, letter, or report. Its date, signature, and dispatch invested it with immediate consequences. The sheet of paper in the hands of the participants was a form of action. Today most surviving

  collections are German, but there are also some relics of Jewish councils and other non-German agencies. I have drawn upon them all, not only for the facts that they contain but to recapture the spirit in which

  they were written.

  Mine is not a short account. The book is large and complex because it depicts an undertaking that was massive and intricate. It is detailed because it deals with nearly all of the important occurrences in

  the arena of destruction, inside and outside Germany, from 1933 to

  1945. It is unabridged so that it may record, in full, measures that were

  taken in full.

  The first edition of this work appeared in Chicago twenty-three

  years ago. It filled eight hundred double-columned pages and was reprinted several times. I knew even as the original version went to press that inevitably I would become aware of errors, that there were gaps in

  the story, and that analytical statements or conclusions would some

  day strike me as incomplete or imprecise. I also knew that to achieve

  greater accuracy, balance, and clarity, I would have to make use of

  more documents.

  My early probing had been concentrated principally on Nuremberg

  evidence and on stores of captured German records located in the

  United States at the time. Now my research was going to be extended

  to cover diverse materials surfacing in the archives of several countries. Prolonged as this labor had to be, it yielded information about organizations and events that had hitherto been shrouded or undiscovered altogether. Among the documents I found were telegrams of the German railroads setting up schedules of death trains, wartime

  protocols of Jewish community officials in Berlin on their periodic

  meetings with Gestapo officers, and newly declassified files of the U.S.

  Office of Strategic Services about the death camp of Auschwitz. Each

  PREFACE

  set of communications was written in an internal language, each enclosed a separate world, and each was a missing link.

  The atmosphere in which I have worked has changed considerably.

  In the 1940s and 1950s, I was copying documents by hand, writing the

  manuscript on a bridge table, typing it on a manual machine. During

  those days, the academic world was oblivious to the subject, and publishers found it unwelcome. In fact, I was advised much more often not to pursue this topic than to persist in it. Much later, in the dimly lit

  court archives of Dusseldorf or Vienna, I still copied out testimony on

  a pad, but the feeling of isolation was gone. The subject, no longer

  unmentionable, has engaged the public.

  Fortunately, I received decisive help when I began with few resources. I remember Hans Rosenberg, whose lectures on bureaucracy welded my thoughts while I was still a college student; the late Franz

  Neumann, whose sponsorship was essential to me in the early stages of

  my research when I was a doctoral candidate at Columbia University;

  William T. R. Fox of the same university, who stepped in with acts of

  exceptional kindness when I was stranded; the late Filip Friedman,

  who, believing in my work, encouraged me; and my late father,

  Michael Hilberg, whose sense of style and literary structure became

  my own. My old friend, Eric Marder, listened as I read to him my

  handwritten drafts of long passages. With his extraordinarily penetrating mind, he helped me overcome difficulty after difficulty. The late Frank Petschek interested himself in the project while it was still

  unfinished. He read it line by line and, with a singular gesture, made

  possible its first publication.

  A

  researcher

  is

  utterly

  dependent

  on

  archivists

  and

  librarians.

  Some of those who assisted me I do not know by name, others could

  not possibly recall who I am. A recapitulation of all those whose specialized knowledge was vital is hardly possible, and therefore I will mention

  only

  Dina

  Abramowicz

  of

  the

  YIVO

  Institute,

  Bronia

  Klibanski of Yad Vashem, Robert Wolfe of the National Archives, and

  Sybil Milton of the Leo Baeck Institute. Serge Klarsfeld of the Beate

  Klarsfeld Foundation and Liliana Picciotto Fargion of the Centro di

  Documentazione Ebraica Contemporánea sent me their valuable publications and talked to me about their data. Many more historians and other specialists facilitated my search for sources at the Columbia

  University Law Library, the Library of Congress, archives of German

  courts, the German railroad archives at Frankfurt and Nuremberg, the

  Instituí für Zeitgeschichte in Munich, the German Federal Archives at

  Koblenz,

  the

  Zentrale

  Stelle

  der

  Landesjustizverwaltungen

  in

  Lud-

  wigsburg, the U.S. Berlin Document Center, the Centre de Documenta-

  PREFACE

  tion Juive Contemporaine in Paris, the archives of the American Jewish

  Committee, and the Office of Special Investigations in the U.S. Department of Justice.

  I have lived in Vermont since 1956, and during these decades 1

  worked at the University of Vermont, which has given me the sort of

  support that only an academic institution providing tenure, sabbatical

  leaves, and occasional small sums of money for research, can furnish

  over time. At the university I have also had colleagues who stood by

  me. The first of them was the late L. Jay Gould, who was always

  patient with me, and more recently, Stanislaw Staron, with whom I

  worked on the diary of Warsaw ghetto chairman Adam Czemiakow;

  and Samuel Bogorad, with whom I taught a course on the Holocaust.

  To H. R. Trevor-Roper, who wrote several essays about the book

  when it first appeared, I owe most of the recognition that it received.

  Herman Wouk, novelist, and Claude Lanzmann, film maker, both of

  whom portray the Jewish fate in large-scale artistic endeavors, reinforced me in my own quest on many occasions.

  My literary agent, Theron Raines, who is a man of letters with an

  understanding of the subject, has made unceasing efforts on my behalf.

  Max Holmes, publisher of Holmes & Meier, took on the task of publishing the second edition with a deep knowledge of what I was trying to do.

  For my family I have a special word. My son David and my daughter Deborah have given me purpose and peace. My wife Gwendolyn has aided me with her caring presence and her fa
ith in me.

  Burlington, Vermont

  September 1984

  xii

  THE

  DESTRUCTION

  OF THE

  EUROPEAN

  JEWS

  c

  H

  A

  P

  T

  E

  R

  O

  N

  PRECEDENTS E

  The German destruction of the European Jews was a tour de force;

  the Jewish collapse under the German assault was a manifestation

  of failure. Both of these phenomena were the final product of an earlier

  age.

  Anti-Jewish policies and actions did not have their beginning in

  1933. For many centuries, and in many countries, the Jews had been

  victims of destructive action. What was the object of these activities?

  What were the aims of those who persisted in anti-Jewish deeds?

  Throughout Western history, three consecutive policies have been applied against Jewry in its dispersion.

  The first anti-Jewish policy started in the fourth century after

  Christ in Rome.' Early in the fourth century, during the reign of Constantine, the Christian Church gained power in Rome, and Christianity became the state religion. From this period, the state carried out

  Church policy. For the next twelve centuries, the Catholic Church

  prescribed the measures that were to be taken with respect to the Jews.

  Unlike the pre-Christian Romans, who claimed no monopoly on religion and faith, the Christian Church insisted on acceptance of Christian doctrine.

  For an understanding of Christian policy toward Jewry, it is essential to realize that the Church pursued conversion not so much for the sake of aggrandizing its power (the Jews have always been few in

  number), but because of the conviction that it was the duty of true

  believers

  to

  save

  unbelievers

  from

  the

  doom

  of

  eternal

  hellfire.

  Zealousness in the pursuit of conversion was an indication of the depth

  of faith. The Christian religion was not one of many religions, but the

  1.

  Pre-Christian Rome had no anti-Jewish policy. Rome had crushed the independent Jewish state of Judea, but the Jews in Rome enjoyed equality under the law. They could execute wills, enter into valid marriages with Romans, exercise the rights of

  guardianship, and hold office. Otto Stobbe, Die Juden in Deutschland während des

  Mittelalters (Leipzig. 1902), p. 2.

  PRECEDENTS

  true religion, the only one. Those who were not in its fold were either

  ignorant or in error. The Jews could not accept Christianity.