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  Supply column from the Galician Division with civilian cart drivers.

  Butcher’s section from the Galician Division’s supply unit, Slovakia.

  Supply cart from the Galician Division with NCO and two civilian cart drivers.

  Men from Galician Division’s supply unit with their horses.

  On 3 October at approx. 0400 hrs, the 2 platoon of the 10 company received orders to cross the River Hron and secure the village of Rudno. Crossing the River Hron was difficult as the bridge was destroyed. It took the platoon about two hours to reach the left bank and only with a limited amount of ammunition. A report about the problem was sent to the company commander. By late afternoon Rudno was secured. The locals warned us that in the surrounding villages, 2–3 kms away, partisans were present. Only once did we receive a few shots.33

  Having occupied Nova Bana and secured the area nearby, the Kampfgruppe proceeded north east through heavily forested areas towards the town of Zarnovica. En route there was sporadic contact with the retreating forces in the vicinity of Dolne Hamre which were part of the 3 Tactical Group (TS) ‘Gerlach’ of the 1 Czechoslovak Army. Local intelligence suggested that the northern outskirts of Zarnovica were still in partisan hands and on 8 October around 2300 hrs, to delay their pursuers, they tried unsuccessfully to blow up an important bridge on the main highway. The bridge which was in the 10 company’s perimeter was only slightly damaged and the pursuit resumed along the Hron Valley.34

  On 9 October Wildner gave orders for the Kampfgruppe to continue along the roads, take Bzenica and secure the town and surrounding area. Both Bzenica and Hlinik were subsequently captured after light skirmishes and as the insurgents continued to pull back, the Kampfgruppe received a new assignment to proceed approximately 15–18 kms towards Vyhne and Banska Stiavnica. At this stage from the available intelligence it was not clear as to whether these were still in enemy hands.

  As the units of the Kampfgruppe continued to press forward, in the vicinity of Vyhne, Banska Stiavnica and Banska Bela, the partisan units launched a series of counterattacks,35 during which the Kampfgruppe sustained further casualties in both dead and wounded.36 The lightly wounded were given first aid at the units medical station while those with heavy wounds were held at a local hospital and then sent west, usually by train.37 Waffen-Sturmmann Mychailo Kormylo:

  […] Nova Bana and Hlinik were captured without heavy engagements, but on the road to Banska Stiavnica we encountered strong resistance from the enemy. They resisted with heavy fire and mortars. Bohdan Tarnawskyj was sent to reconnoitre. Bohdan asked me to cover him with my machine gun. I set it for 700 metres and aimed at the edge of the forest. Tarnawsky was a good operator, leading his twelve men very well. I had supported him well at Brody and he really trusted me. I also had two mortars calculated to cover him. As soon as he was twenty metres distant from the forest they began to fire and we let loose a 300 round blast at them. They began fleeing and we let two mortars have a go, setting the forest alight. Tarnawsky entered the forest and captured three wounded partisans. At first they did not want to talk but eventually the eldest of the prisoners told us that approx 30,000 of them, along with the Red Army men were headed for the town of Zvolen. Wildner added that a whole division of Slovaks was headed for the Carpathians. He gave us ten hours rest but, although we were exhausted, we could not sleep .[…]38

  The town of Banska Stiavnica was approached cautiously by the reconnaissance unit of the 10 company which was in the vanguard of the advance. Waffen-Unterscharführer Roman Drazniowsky recalled his first encounter with the Soviet troops who formed part of the insurgent forces:

  […] 2 platoon entered the town from the north west side. Suddenly two Soviet officers on a motorcycle approached our unit and started shooting. The two Soviet officers were killed in the fighting and the accompanying partisans retreated. The 10 company then received orders to immediately secure the towns north of Banska Stiavnica, the most important of which were Banska Bela, Kozelnik and the railway station in [the village of] Zakel.39

  Men from 10./III.WGR 29 marching in Slovakia.

  The commander of 10./III.WGR 29, Waffen-Hauptsturmführer Volodymyr Tatarsky marching at the head of a column during the Wildner campaign, Madzibrod, Slovakia, 3 November 1944.

  Group from 2 platoon, 10./III./WGR marching through a Slovak town lead by officer on horseback during the Wildner campaign.

  The caption of this picture by SS-Kriegsberichter Schmanz dated 18 January 1945 reads: ‘In Slovakia. The men of the Ukrainian Waffen-SS together with the Hlinka Guard secure a road block’.

  Following on behind the point units, the rear elements of the Kampfgruppe arrived in the vicinity without having had any serious encounters with the enemy. After lengthy forced marches, lack of rest and hot food became an increasing concern. Waffen-Grenadier Theo Andruszko who was serving with the 12 company related how an ingenious excuse was used to help supplement the limited rations around this time:

  […] From the station we marched into Slovakia nonstop for some 60 km. Tired and hungry we arrived in the town of Banska Bela. The town was held by Slovakian troops who abandoned it without a fight and disappeared into the nearby forest. There was a rumour that a pig was shot by one of the hungry soldiers on night duty. The pig was promptly quartered and some of the proceeds found its way into the company kitchen. Following a complaint by the owner, the investigating officer had no difficulty finding pork being cooked. The soldier in question admitted to killing the pig. He explained to the officer that he challenged someone at night, asking them to stop and say the parole (password) of the day. There was no answer so the soldier promptly did his duty and shot the ‘attacker’. ‘Well done’ said the officer, satisfied with the explanation. Needless to say, the 12 company enjoyed their first cooked dinner of the campaign.40

  Waffen-Grenadier Volodymyr Keczun remembered the fighting in the area:

  12 Company very rarely went into combat as a whole. Usually groups or ‘Zugs’ were assigned to infantry companies as heavy support.[…] The company to which our troop of mortars and heavy MG 42, was assigned, was a garrison to a village to the right of Banska Stiavnica. We heard that there were some refugees there so Jaroslav Lischynsky, Dacko and Ziemba went to visit the town but I had to stay behind to take charge of sentry duties. When they came back they told us that among refugees they met two teachers from the grammar school I used to attend. I planned to visit them next day, but our company got a sudden marching order to another location.[…]

  We reached our new target in the evening, and camped outside a village. The company commander who used to be an officer in the Ukrainian Army in the First World War, sent scouts to find out what to expect. The scouts reported that they went through the village and checked the railway station and that all was clear.

  In the morning we got orders to march in a column and occupy the railway station. As soon as we reached the centre of the village all hell broke loose. From somewhere one or two cannons started a barrage and from a mountain which overlooked the village a heavy machine gun started shooting at us. After some confusion, somebody eventually got things under control and gave orders for an ignominious retreat. Luckily but for a few insignificant injuries, there were no casualties.

  In the afternoon we spread out and made a frontal attack and occupied the station but we found ourselves in ‘no win’ situation. The partisans had at least one hidden cannon somewhere and as soon as there was any movement anywhere it started shooting. Even worse was that on the mountain peak overlooking the village they had a heavy machine gun emplacement and we could not get it out. We managed to dig in with our mortar in a small depression so we were hidden from them, but we could only get our meals at night. Unfortunately you can not wait for night to go to the toilet so eventually we were forced to dig holes near our fox holes and cover them after. Luckily after a few days of impasse a German company arrived to relieve us. They had tanks but I didn’t see what they could have achieved in that situation.[…
]41

  As soon as Banska Stiavnica and the main access routes leading to the town had been secured, after more than ten days of uninterrupted fighting, the unit received new orders and moved again by forced march south-east about ten kms towards Babina. To co-ordinate its forces for this action and other smaller engagements which followed, the Kampfgruppe was mainly reliant upon despatch riders and couriers because the portable radio equipment with which it had been issued for this purpose seldom worked due to weak signals caused by the presence of mountains and dense forests.42

  On 17 October it arrived at Babina where of it fought what was to be its biggest battle.43 On the outskirts of the village, entrenched in heavily fortified positions44 were approximately two infantry battalions of insurgents supported by four light bombers, two tanks and a battery of heavy artillery which bombarded the Kampfgruppe stopping it in its tracks. After the artillery had been destroyed by an air strike, elements of the Kampfgruppe45 reinforced by a platoon of flammenwerfer (flame-throwers) from the Bataillon Kettgen46 (from KGr. Schill) attacked. As they did, the partisans retreated, setting fire to part of the village and the railway station. On the 18 October the remainder of the Kampfgruppe entered Babina and was given the task of securing the town and additional reconnaissance activities. A series of strong counterattacks by the recently displaced insurgent forces soon followed. Waffen-Unterscharführer Roman Drazniowsky’s ‘Zug’ took part in these actions as he noted in his diary:

  On 22 October the partisans staged a surprise attack on 11 companys’ perimeter. After a few hours the company commander requested reinforcements immediately and the 2 platoon of the 10 company was sent into battle. Heavy fighting continued for 3-4 hours. Our casualties of the 2 platoon were 3 wounded and 1 platoon commander—Vasyl Diakovych—killed.47

  Waffen-Sturmmann Mychailo Kormylo was also involved in the fighting:

  […] As we approached Babina I observed that three of our men had been killed, among them our friend Vasyl Diakovych whom I knew from Brody.

  Soon we entered Babina where many houses were on fire. Livestock was lying dead around the houses and we walked through the village weapons at the ready.[…] An old Slovak ran up to us shouting that God would punish us for burning his house and barn but I shouted back that God instead would punish his side who had brought us here. He made rude gestures and set about attempting to put out his burning barn. As we walked slowly through the village we saw that the artillery that had caused us so much damage was now destroyed. I came across one dead and two badly wounded Slovaks who begged help from us. I assured them that the medics were immediately behind us and would get them to hospital. We continued past a huge amount of abandoned weaponry which we had no time even to destroy.48

  Two regular Slovak soldiers captured by soldiers from the Galician Division, winter 1944.

  Again, Theo Andruszko from 12 company on the fighting in this sector:

  […] We took Babina and occupied positions on the eastern side of the town. Our mortar positions were well dug in. To our surprise we were attacked by a single small one engine type ‘Stork type’ reconnaissance plane which dropped a cluster of anti-personnel bombs. We gave it all we had with our weapons but were not able to hit it. Bombs were exploding everywhere. One of the bombs actually hit the base of the mortar with two of the soldiers Ziemba and Dacko inside the position. They must have been the luckiest soldiers of the campaign because the bomb failed to explode. Later we came to the conclusion that the 45 degree angle of the mortar base caused the bomb to fail. The next day we saw some three–four German open trucks with long rockets on board. We were able to examine them and were told it was a German Nebelwerfer49 rocket unit on their way to attack the partisans. After their departure, soon enough we heard their terrible roar akin to animal being slaughtered. I felt uneasy myself, as if ants were creeping on my skin. We lost one newly promoted Unterscharführer whilst on his forward observation position, hit by shrapnel.50

  Whilst their comrades were engaged in the fighting for Babina, following on behind another group from the same company which included Waffen-Grenadier Volodymyr Keczun were experiencing difficulties of a different nature:

  […] We got marching orders to go to Babina. Our progress there was very slow, because the horses that we were given for our transport were old and in bad condition.

  Our unit had two box like square trucks each on two rubber wheels. They were coupled together and pulled by one horse. On the trucks we had a mortar, heavy machine gun and a little ammunition for both. The bulk of our ammunition and all of our equipment was on a wagon covered by a tarpaulin and pulled by one horse. Going was very slow because of the hilly terrain and bad narrow roads. We heard fighting raging in the distance, so we knew that we were needed there.

  About midday our horse which was pulling the ammunition wagon, suddenly stopped on a steep gradient and would not budge an inch. Our wagon was nearly in the centre of the convoy so when our horse refused to pull the wagon up the hill, the convoy had to stop. We were in partisan country. Pushing, tempting or beating didn’t help. Former farmer’s sons came over and started giving us some helpful hints. I will not mention them all, only the main ones. Hit the horse with nettles—we decided that its skin was too thick. Unharness the horse and tie it to the back of the wagon. All of us would pull the wagon to the top and then re-harness it again. We refused because it would have made us a laughing stock in front of everybody. Even the horse would have laughed at us. Then it was decided that the next one had possibilities. It was very simple; find a large thistle [there were lot of them in ditches], lift the horse’s tail and put the thistle on the horse’s bottom. It will press its tail on it, and hey ‘bingo’, we will be on top in no time. The only thing we found out was that horse was a ‘she’ and not ‘he’. She went berserk got entangled in her harness and nearly fell.

  When we got her quiet one clever nitwit suggested that we light something underneath the horse to force it to move. Somebody found some straw and lit it underneath the horse. Oh yes, horse moved, but as soon as it was safe it stopped and the fire was burning under the wagon with the ammunition. We never dived into a ditch so fast before. We were very lucky that the fire went out.

  Ziemba solved the problem with the horse. He unhitched it and went with it to a farmer who was tilling the field about 200 metres away and exchanged it for his horse, telling him that it was imperative for us to get to our destination as soon as possible and once we got there he can have his horse back. He followed us riding our horse until we joined the battle for Babina. What happened to him I don’t know, but we ended up with good and strong horse.51

  Tour of Duty in Slovakia

  At the end of September 1944, when KGr. Wildner had just begun combat operations in Slovakia, the Reichsführer-SS Himmler52 who was responsible for anti-partisan warfare in the rear areas, was confronted with a new potential danger. The Soviet ‘Carpathian-Dukla’ operation which commenced on 9 September 1944, threatened the whole strategic situation in the region. Their initial gains meant that by the end of September Red Army troops were threatening to break through the positions of 1 Panzer Army and cross the critical Dukla pass. This would give access to Slovakia via its eastern frontier in the Carpathian Mountains with the objective of linking up the Red Army with the insurgent army in central Slovakia.53 If this aim was achieved the Soviets would have had at their disposal a force capable of extending their initial victory by a rapid thrust—the most probable direction of which was expected to be south westerly towards the rear of the German front in Hungary. Thus the prompt subjugation of the Slovakian interior had become even more imperative and authorisation was duly given in the following days for further reinforcements to be despatched to this theatre.

  Foremost amongst these were three additional Waffen-SS units; the 18.SS-Freiwilligen-Panzergrenadier-Division Horst Wessel and the ‘14 Waffen-Grenadier-Division der SS (galiz. Nr.1)’, both of which already had a Kampfgruppe deployed in Slovakia and the infamous SS-Sond
er-Regiment Dirlewanger.54 These were augmented by a variety of smaller reserve and security units which were mostly designated for use as occupation forces. The largest of these were two Volksgrenadier Divisions—the 271 and 708 which between them deployed 6,981 and 6,018 officers NCOs and men respectively.55

  The Galician Division received its movement orders from the SS-FHA in a document dated 28 September 1944 which directed that together with its Training and Reserve Regiment (SS- Gren.Ausb.u.Ers.Rgt.14),56 it was to be transferred immediately from Neuhammer to the Schützzone (defence zone) in Slovakia where it would continue with its reformation. Here, for supply and territorial purposes, it would be subordinated to the overall German commander for Slovakia SS-Obergruppenführer Höfle in Pressburg [Bratislava], however for normal military duties it was to remain under the direct command of the SS-FHA. In view of the recent commencement of its re-formation, the Division (excluding KGr. Wildner) was initially only to be available for local security deployment in its own vicinity and the formation of any additional combat groups and their deployment against partisans was to take place only with the authorisation of the head of the SS-FHA.57 The Division’s commander and his first assistant were to report to the German commander for Slovakia for further instructions.

  SS-Brigadeführer Freitag and Major Heike left at once by rail to Bratislava for a conference with Höfle and his Chief of Staff Otto von Uechtritz, concerning the details of the transfer and the assignment in Slovakia. At Höfle’s HQ, Freitag reported that as the Division was still in the process of re-forming and as most of its available weapons, ammunition and supplies had been allocated to KGr. Wildner, it could not be considered as deployable. Höfle, recognising the potential the formation afforded him, responded by promising energetic support in supplying it with weapons and provisions to assist with its reformation programme. He then proceeded to provide a summary of the political developments in Slovakia which had led to the uprising and the military actions which had come about as a result. In accordance with his plan the Galician Division was to replace the Tatra Panzer Division which was needed for the final attack on the centre of the uprising (scheduled to begin 18 October). It was to be assigned to the city of Zilina [Sillien] and its predominantly mountainous environs where it would essentially form an occupation force along the upper Váh Valley. It would be responsible for defending the main communications lines and important centres of military production (along with their workforce), maintaining order and assisting with the suppression of general partisan activity in the region. The technical details of the change over were to be arranged by the respective divisional commanders.