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I hope and trust that god will help us in the sacred mission and people will recognize that the essence of love, truth and non-violence is the hallmark of every good, free and prosperous society —KHAN ABDUL GHAFFAR KHAN
Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan was known as the Frontier Gandhi. His unflinching advocacy of non-violence made him a legend in his lifetime. A Pathan from the North West Frontier Province, a place where feuds were routinely settled by bloodshed, the Frontier Gandhi’s commitment to non-violence was all the more extraordinary and he and his followers, the Khudai Khidmatgars, came to be widely admired for their convictions. He joined the Indian National Congress and played an active role in the anti-colonial struggle. Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan fought the idea of partition relentlessly, refusing to make common cause with the Muslim League’s demand for a Muslim homeland, but events overtook him and the NWFP became part of the new nation of Pakistan. After 1947, Ghaffar Khan continued to champion non-violence. He was imprisoned several times for his criticisms of the Pakistani state. In all he spent fifty-two years of his ninety-eight in jail. He died in 1988 and is buried in Jalalabad, Afghanistan.
Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan spoke out passionately against communalism, against the formation of identities according to creed. His unflinching commitment to non-violence and to the vital importance of a secular, pluralist outlook give his words an authority that resonates even today.
Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan (1890–1988) was born into a leading family of Khans in the North West Frontier Province. Khan’s passion for equality, secularism and non-violence led him to join the anti-colonial struggle. He opposed the partition of the country, but continued his fight for freedom and justice after 1947 in the new state of Pakistan. He was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize in 1985 and awarded the Bharat Ratna by the Indian government—the first non-Indian citizen to receive this award.
Cover illustration by Nitesh Mohanty
To celebrate the sixtieth anniversary of the Indian Republic, the Words of Freedom series showcases the landmark speeches and writings of fourteen visionary leaders whose thought animated the Indian struggle for Independence and whose revolutionary ideas and actions forged the Republic of India as we know it today.
Books in the series
B.R. Ambedkar
Aruna Asaf Ali
Maulana Abul Kalam Azad
Subhas Chandra Bose
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi
Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan
Sarojini Naidu
Jawaharlal Nehru
Vallabhbhai Patel
Rajendra Prasad
C. Rajagopalachari
Periyar E.V. Ramasami
Bhagat Singh
Rabindranath Tagore
WORDS
OF
FREEDOM
IDEAS OF A NATION
KHAN ABDUL GHAFFAR KHAN
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First published by Penguin Books India 2010
Anthology copyright © Penguin Books India 2010
We are grateful to the Gandhi Peace Foundation for permission to use quotations from Abdul Ghaffar Khan: Faith is a Battle by D.G. Tendulkar (1967), published for the Gandhi Peace Foundation by Popular Prakashan, Mumbai.
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ISBN: 978-01-4306-891-4
This digital edition published in 2011.
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Contents
Copyright
Introduction
1. The Pathans
2. The Birth of the Khudai Khidmatgars
3. The Need for an Undivided India
4. Recollections of Being Jailed
5. Communal Violence
6. Thrown to the Wolves
7. A Free Pathan State
8. A Letter to Gandhi
9. ‘I and My People are at Your Service …’
Appendices
10. The Need for Unity
11. After Riots in East Pakistan
12. At His Trial
Introduction
Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan’s unflinching advocacy of non-violence amongst the fierce Pathan tribesmen of the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) made him a legend in his lifetime. Ghaffar Khan, also called Badshah Khan and sometimes the Frontier Gandhi, was born into a leading family of Khans at Charsadda near Peshawar in 1890. Throughout his life he turned his back firmly not only on the privileges of his feudal background but on the established Pathan code of resolving issues through blood feuds and wars. From an early age he understood the connection between backwardness and belligerence and the movement he founded, the Khudai Khidmatgars, was an organized rural force that eschewed violence and opposed all forms of oppression. He joined the Indian National Congress in their fight against colonial rule and was closely associated with Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, Rajendra Prasad and Maulana Azad. He fought the idea of partition relentlessly, refusing to make common cause with the Muslim League’s demand for a Muslim nation and led a boycott of the referendum held in NWFP on the subject in 1946 on the grounds that it was communalizing the issue. When the division of the country and the allocation of NWFP to Pakistan became inevitable, he famously wrote to Gandhi—not with bitterness, but in absolute desolation: ‘You have thrown us to the wolves’.
After 1947, Ghaffar Khan continued his fight for liberty and justice. He was imprisoned several times for his outspoken criticism of the Pakistan regime and his opposition to the measures against the people of what was then East Pakistan. In all he spent fifty-two years of his ninety-eight in jail. He died in 1988 but his unflinching commitment to non-violence and the importance of a secular tolerant outlook give his words a resonance and authority even today.
‘I hope and trust that God will help us in the sacred mission and people will recognize that the essence of love, truth and non-violence is the hallmark of every good, free and prosperous society.’
/> THE PATHANS
1942
‘WHILE THE PATHANS ARE INTENSELY FREEDOM-LOVING AND RESENT ANY KIND OF SUBJUGATION, MOST OF THEM ARE BEGINNING TO UNDERSTAND THAT THEIR FREEDOM CAN WELL HARMONIZE WITH THE CONCEPTION OF INDIAN FREEDOM, AND THAT IS WHY THEY HAVE JOINED HANDS WITH THE REST OF THEIR COUNTRYMEN IN COMMON STRUGGLE, INSTEAD OF FAVOURING THE SCHEME OF BREAKING UP INDIA INTO MANY STATES. They have come to realize that the division of India will result in an all-round weakness in the modern world, where no part of it will have sufficient resources and strength to preserve its own freedom. The days of isolation are no more. A new conception of international collaboration and co-operation is seeking to be born. The Pathans hate compulsion and dictation of any type, but of their own free will, they are prepared to work in unity and co-operation with others in this country as well as their brethren of the tribal territories, who have so long been kept aloof from us and forced to lead a life unworthy of a people. But while I share these sentiments with my people, I cannot for a moment deny them the right of self-determination. There can be no forced conversion to a doctrine, and at the proper time each unit will automatically exercise its own discretion to decide any future. Yet the desirability of India as a whole developing close relations and endeavouring to build up a powerful federation of Asiatic peoples to resist aggression from outside, cannot be ruled out and will act as the chief factor to compel the forces of separatism to think differently and establish close contacts with those they are opposing today. The Asiatic countries will not be aggressive or hostile to others in the world and will strive to develop friendly relations with them. But on no account will they permit the present form of things to continue and labour under adverse conditions. It is encouraging to find that there are many who envisage such a bloc of peace and freedom in the East and look to it for ushering in a new era. The Frontier Province is so situated that, as in the past, it will inevitably become the pivot and centre of all these great changes and alliances, and will begin to play an important role not only in a free India, but in free Asia.’
THE BIRTH OF THE KHUDAI KHIDMATGARS
1929
Quoted in Abdul Ghaffar Khan: Faith is a Battle by D.G. Tendulkar (Published for Gandhi Peace Foundation by Popular Prakashan, Bombay, 1967).
‘FROM LAHORE I WENT TO LUCKNOW, WHERE A CONGRESS MEETING WAS BEING HELD IN 1929. Here for the first time I met Gandhiji and Jawaharlalji. I was not acquainted with them, but Jawaharlalji had intimate relations with [Badshah Khan’s] brother Dr. Khan Sahib. They were in England together and studied in the London University. My brother had given me a letter of introduction to Jawaharlalji. I discussed Afghanistan affairs at length with Jawaharlalji.
‘Then I went to Delhi. One Friday I met Mahomed Ali in a mosque. He was a decent man and very kind to me. His brother, Shaukat Ali, was not a desirable person and he misled his brother, especially, on the question of Afghanistan. On that account I was annoyed with him and avoided meeting him. When he sighted me, he approached me with a smile and said, “We don’t care for the Pathans.” I retorted, “We too do not care for such leaders who are misled by others. Please, remember that you are saying the same things about Amanullah as the Britishers.” Embracing me warmly he said, “Brother, tell me the facts.” He then took me to his house …
‘A few days later, I received a telegram from Nadir Khan about his conquest of Kabul. We celebrated the happy occasion by taking out two impressive processions from the northern and the southern points of Hashtanagar. They converged at Utmanzai, where we held a mammoth meeting. I told the audience that there are only two means by which a nation progresses: religion and patriotism. Though America and Europe have neglected religion, they are full of national spirit. They have prospered. The cause of our degradation is that we are lacking in national and religious spirit. A great revolution is in the offing, but you are not even aware of it. During my recent visit to the subcontinent, I noticed that men and women were fully prepared to serve the nation. Leave aside women, even our men are not aware of the interests of the country and community. The revolution is like a flood. A nation can prosper thereby and can perish as well. A nation that is wide awake, that cultivates brotherhood, comradely feelings and national spirit, is sure to benefit through revolution. A nation that lacks these qualities, is swept away by the flood. You are mistaken if you think that a prosperous nation drops from heaven. A nation progresses that produces people who deny themselves leisure and comfort and stake their social status and future prospects for the advancement of their nation. We have not such men among us, and, therefore, we are backward. Those who march forward, know that their real prosperity lies in the progress of their nation. We look only to our self-interest and let the country go to the devil. We fail to understand that our individual prosperity does not lead to the national prosperity. When a nation prospers, every citizen benefits thereby. We look only to our own personal gain. A concern for isolated existence is the way of the beasts. The animals create their own shelters, choose their mates and rear their progeny. How are we superior beings if we do the same? If you want the progress and prosperity of your country, you should lead a community life instead of an individual existence …
‘The meeting had a great impact on the audience. The following day a young man visited me and said that he wanted to found an organization to serve the Pakhtun community and bring about reforms. We held discussions and consultations over it. We already had an organization, “Anjuman-Islah-ul-Afaghina”. It was working for the spread of education and we decided that it should continue to do this very important work. To remove the other social drawbacks from our backward community, we founded another organization, “Khudai Khidmatgar”, the “Servants of God”. At first it was a completely non-political organization, but the British policy of oppression compelled it to participate in politics. It is a paradox that the British were instrumental in bringing us and the Congress together.
‘Among us prevailed family feuds, intrigues, enmities, evil customs, quarrels and riots. Whatever the Pakhtuns earned was squandered on harmful customs and practices and on litigations. Underfed and underclothed, Pakhtuns led a miserable life. Nor were we prosperous traders or good agriculturists. After prolonged exchange of views, in September 1929, we succeeded in forming the “Khudai Khidmatgar” organization. We called it so, in order to fulfil a particular purpose; we wanted to infuse among the Pakhtuns the spirit and consciousness for the service of our community and country in the name of God. We were wanting in that spirit. The Pakhtuns believed in violence and that too not against aliens but their own brethren. The near and dear ones were the victims of violence. The intrigues and dissensions tore them asunder. Another great drawback was the spirit of vengeance and lack of character and good habits among them.
‘One who aspired to become a Khudai Khidmatgar, declared on solemn oath: “I am a Khudai Khidmatgar, and as God needs no service I shall serve Him by serving His creatures selflessly. I shall never use violence, I shall not retaliate or take revenge, and I shall forgive anyone who indulges in oppression and excesses against me. I shall not be a party to any intrigue, family feuds and enmity, and I shall treat every Pakhtun as my brother and comrade. I shall give up evil customs and practices. I shall lead a simple life, do good and refrain from wrong-doing. I shall develop good character and cultivate good habits. I shall not lead an idle life. I shall expect no reward for my services. I shall be fearless and be prepared for any sacrifice."’
THE NEED FOR AN UNDIVIDED INDIA
1942
Excerpt from the preface of Frontier Speaks by Mohammad Yunnus (Hind Kitab, Bombay, 1947).
TO MANY THE STORY OF THE NORTH HAS BEEN A DUAL PHENOMENON—THE COMPLETE INDIVIDUALITY OF THE PATHAN AND YET HIS UNITY WITH THE REST OF INDIA TOWARDS THE ATTAINMENT OF A COMMON GOAL. This finds adequate manifestation in the Khudai Khidmatgar Movement growing out of the very soil of the Frontier Province and slowly finding a place in the larger Freedom Movement of a big sub-continent. In this connex
ion it is significant to note that while the Pathans are intensely freedom-loving and resent any kind of subjugation, most of them are beginning to understand that their freedom can well harmonize with the conception of Indian Freedom, and that is why they have joined hands with the rest of their countrymen in a common struggle, instead of favouring the scheme of breaking up India into many States. They have come to realize that the division of India will result in an all-round weakness in the modern world, where no part of it will have sufficient resources and strength to preserve its own freedom. The days of isolationism are no more. A new conception of international collaboration and co-operation is seeking to be born. The Pathans hate compulsion and dictation of any type, but out of their own free will, they are prepared to work in unity and co-operation with others in this country as well as their brethren of the Tribal Territories, who have so long been kept aloof from us and forced to lead a life unworthy of a people.
But while I share these sentiments with my people, I cannot for a moment deny them the right of self-determination. There can be no forced conversion to a doctrine, and at the proper time, each unit will automatically exercise its own discretion to decide any future, yet the desirability of India as a whole developing close relations and endeavouring to build up a powerful federation of Asiatic peoples to resist aggression from outside, cannot be ruled out and will act as the chief factor to compel the forces of separatism to think differently and establish close contacts with those they are opposing today. The Asiatic countries will not be aggressive or hostile to others in the world and will strive to develop friendly relations with them. But on no account will they permit the present form of things to continue and labour under adverse conditions.