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Indian Muslim Minorities and the 1857 Rebellion
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Ilyse R. Morgenstein Fuerst is Assistant Professor of Religion at the
University of Vermont. Her work has previously been published in peer-
reviewed journals and her research deals with Islam in South Asia,
historiography and the development of theories of religion. She received
a Master of Theological Studies degree from Harvard Divinity School
and a PhD in Islamic Studies from the University of North Carolina at
Chapel Hill.
“This important reading of the 1857 Indian Rebellion reveals the
decisive role of European colonialism in defining Islam in terms of jihad.
It is a fresh analysis, deeply informed by unsuspected historical sources,
with striking implications for our understanding of religion. Highly
recommended.”
Carl W. Ernst, Kenan Distinguished Professor of Religious Studies,
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
“Indian Muslim Minorities and the 1857 Rebellion is a brilliant contribution,
and so much more. It deepens and advances our understanding of South
Asian history, Islam, and colonial encounter, whilst helping us to consider
the interconnections among these fields that have for far too long been
considered in isolation from one another. It also announces the arrival of a
major scholar in the field. Recommended with the utmost enthusiasm.”
Omid Safi, Director, Duke Islamic Studies Center,
Duke University
INDIANMUSLIM
MINORITIES
AND THE 1857
REBELLION
Religion, Rebels, and Jihad
ILYSE R. MORGENSTEIN FUERST
Published in 2017 by
I.B.Tauris & Co. Ltd
London • New York
www.ibtauris.com
Copyright q 2017 Ilyse R. Morgenstein Fuerst
The right of Ilyse R. Morgenstein Fuerst to be identified as the author of this work
has been asserted by the author in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and
Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review, this book, or any part thereof,
may not be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted,
in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or
otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher.
References to websites were correct at the time of writing.
International Library of Colonial History 24
ISBN: 978 1 78453 855 2
eISBN: 978 1 78672 237 9
ePDF: 978 1 78673 237 8
A full CIP record for this book is available from the British Library
A full CIP record is available from the Library of Congress
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Typeset in Garamond Three by OKS Prepress Services, Chennai, India
Printed and bound by CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon, CR0 4YY
for Kevin,
my co-conspirator
(in all the best ways)
CONTENTS
Acknowledgments
ix
A Note on Transliteration
xii
Introduction
1
Religion, Rebels, and Jihad
4
Theoretical Framing
5
A Note on Language
8
Chapter Outline
10
1.
The Company, Religion, and Islam
13
Religion before Rebellion
21
“Watershed Moment”: the Great Rebellion
25
Greased Cartridges and Chapatis: the Anxiety of
Religious Conspiracy
30
Muslim Memories of the Great Rebellion
40
Conclusions
45
2.
Suspect Subjects: Hunter and the Making of a
Muslim Minority
49
Bound to Rebel: Making Muslims a Minority
52
Indian Musalmans and Hunter: Author of Empire
57
Laws, Literalism, and All Muslims: Hunter’s Claims
60
Favorable Ruling, Unfavorable Interpretation
73
Conclusions
82
viii
INDIAN MUSLIM MINORITIES AND THE 1857 REBELLION
3.
“God save me from my friends!”: Syed Ahmad Khan’s
Review on Dr Hunter
86
Sir Syed on the Great Rebellion
90
An Academic Rejoinder to Indian Musalmans
98
A Legalism of His Own: Sir Syed on Hunter’s Use of
Islamic Law
102
On Muslim Loyalty
108
On Literalism, Wahhabism, and Jihad
111
Conclusions
117
4.
Rebellion as Jihad, Jihad as Religion
123
Defining Jihad
126
Making Muslims Jihadis
132
Jihad in Imperial India and the Great Rebellion
137
Conclusions
146
Conclusion
Religion, Rebels, and Jihad: Legacies and
Ongoing Impact
149
Epilogue
1857 from Today’s Vermont
157
Notes
163
Bibliography
199
Index
221
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I need to express my gratitude to those colleagues, friends, and family
members whose various and divergent efforts have helped make this
book.
I have been fortunate enough to enjoy financial support for a bulk of
this research as part of my start-up and professional development
funding from the University of Vermont, the Small Grants Award
through the College of Arts and Sciences, and the Peter J. Seybolt
Faculty Fund in Asian Studies. Additionally, the American Academy of
Religion’s Selva J. Raj Endowed International Dissertation Research
Fellowship inadvertently sponsored both the research for the dissertation
and this (wholly unrelated) book: while on a break from dissertation-
related translating, I stumbled upon the writings of Hunter and Khan,
and began the research that would turn into this project. Portions of
this book have been presented previously in other forms: portions
of Chapter 1 at the 2013 South Asian Literary Association Annual
Conference in Boston, MA; Chapter 2 at a 2014 Religion Faculty
colloquium in Burlington, VT; portions of Chapters 2 and 3 at the 2014
5th Annual Islamophobia Conference in Berkeley, CA; and portions of
Chapters 3 and 4 at both the 2015 American Academy of Religion
Annual Meeting, Atlanta, GA and the 2016 Boston College Biennial
History of Religion Conference in Boston, MA. The conversations at
each conference pushed my work in new – and better – directions, and
I am grateful for those opportunities for grow
th.
Many who have guided and taught me over the years deserve
much more than a few meager words of gratitude. Dr. Carl W. Ernst is an
x
INDIAN MUSLIM MINORITIES AND THE 1857 REBELLION
invaluable mentor who has pushed me to think about “religion” and
“Islam” as categories in need of constant re-thinking; I hope to do justice
to his erudition but more importantly to his years of kind guidance and
intellectual generosity. My first college professor, Dr. Omid Safi,
initiated me into the study of Islam and he has since championed my
work, often from the sidelines and without end. In other but equally
important ways – through conversations, texts, and even tweets –
Drs. Bruce B. Lawrence, Juliane Hammer, and Kecia Ali have
openhandedly propelled me from afar as I completed this project. I am
grateful to my Fall 2015 Islam and Modernity students, who read a draft
of Chapter 3; I had thought I was sharing my work to actively model the
revision process of research to help their writing projects, but it turned
out they were helping me revise and hone my argument. I am indebted
to my colleagues in the Religion Department at the University of
Vermont, who have welcomed me warmly into our little house on Main
Street, listened to me talk often about this project, and helped me to
think deeply, sharply, and better.
I am especially fortunate to have colleagues and friends willing to
spend hours (and hours and hours) with my writing and ideas.
Drs Brandi Denison and Kristian Petersen have offered critical feedback
on a number of chapters and have my warmest appreciation. Dr. Gregory
A. Lipton has read and commented on drafts of nearly every chapter,
some in the very early stages of writing (which always deserves special
recognition); while extremely humbled by his critical eye and unstinting
reads, I am all the more grateful for our friendship. Dr. Kathleen Foody
offered meaningful feedback on the conclusion and has been a constant
conversation partner since 2007, for which I am ceaselessly elated. Dr.
Megan Goodwin has read every single word of this book, offered
bountiful (and often sidesplitting) marginalia, and helped me keep
theoretical issues at the fore; her brilliance as a scholar is trumped only
by her brilliance as a friend. Despite such a cherished and esteemed cadre
of scholars in my margins, whatever errors remain are mine and mine
alone.
At I.B.Tauris I was well cared for and advised, first by Azmina
Siddique and then by Thomas Stottor, and each offered top-notch
support for this project, kind and timely guidance, and clarity. Similarly,
I owe Jane Haxby, my copy editor, a tremendous debt of gratitude; her
work on this manuscript was impeccable. Yet, support for writing is not
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
xi
limited to the writing itself, of course. I owe much to Carolyn Lewis,
who has offered tangible and deeply meaningful support to me in many
ways for more than three years. I worked out more of my ideas than I
ought to admit while working out at RevIndoor Cycling, so Sarah
DeGray and her team have my appreciation. My family – Flo and Lloyd
Morgenstein, Karly Morgenstein, and Deena Goodman – comprise
the often invisible but omnipresent support network on which I will
forever rely.
I want to thank my spunky, smart, and spectacular daughter, Sela.
She’s gone from incubation to infancy to toddlerhood during the research
and writing of this project, and she is now able to ask, regularly, if my
book is done yet so I can play pretend and be “less boring.” Finally, my
husband Kevin has been a true co-conspirator, a colluding partner as we
navigate our shared life. This book is dedicated to him for all the ways
his loving encouragement makes my work – and daily existence –
infinitely, almost unthinkably enhanced.
A NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION
Where appropriate for Islamicate languages, I have followed the
transliteration style of the International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies
(IJMES); the first time I use terms likely to be unfamiliar to readers,
I have set them in italic, then in italic or roman according to IJMES
usage thereafter. I have followed convention for other South Asian
languages. I have not transliterated names of persons or places, and
I have marked historical place-names in northern India alongside
contemporary place-names when appropriate. I have marked technical
vocabulary in italics. In order to preserve clarity and avoid clutter, this
does not include, however, words that have become common in English
(e.g., jihad); similarly, words that have become common in English-
language usage are pluralized, when appropriate, following English
convention rather than Islamicate linguistic norms (e.g., fatwas not
fata¯wa¯). When quoting, I have maintained original spellings and
transliterations as applicable. Because this is, in many ways, a book
about definitions, most controversial terms will be defined historically,
in context, and at length.
INTRODUCTION
Religion is not a thing to be trifled with, and the dullest and most
phlegmatic will be roused to the boiling point of rage and
enthusiasm when it once is affected.
– Causes of the Indian Revolt, by a Hindu Bengali,
ed. Malcolm Lewin1
On May 9, 1857, soldiers serving in the third regiment of light cavalry
in the Meerut cantonment awaited imprisonment for failing to use
their weapons properly. The newest Lee-Enfield rifles required soldiers
(sepoys) to bite the cartridge, but the sepoys refused – they had heard
the rumors about these new rifles and they were incensed. The cartridges
were greased with lard and tallow, offending the religious sensibilities of
Muslims and Hindus, respectively. After months of growing unrest,
dissatisfaction among sepoys and disquiet among civilians, rumors of a
new rifle sparked the match that lit a flame of mutiny and rebellion.
On May 10, 1857, as the sepoys of the third regiment faced sentencing,
sepoys in other regimens broke rank to liberate their imprisoned
compatriots. Meerut boasted an equivalence of Indian and British
soldiers, approximately 2,357 Indian sepoys to 2,038 British soldiers;
this was a fierce and bloody attack – but the violence was not cordoned
off to the garrisoned walls. Meerut’s civilians were not spared. Some
20 British civilians, including women and children, were massacred;
additionally, some 50 Indian civilians perished in the rebellion’s first
outbreak. Many sepoys who began the mutiny fled the 40 miles to
garrisoned and protected Delhi during the night, and on May 11, Delhi,
2
INDIAN MUSLIM MINORITIES AND THE 1857 REBELLION
too, witnessed rebellion. Britons – soldiers and civilians – were taken
prisoner and many were executed on May 16, 1857. The week in mid-
May began a long, terrifying year of bloodshed, rebellion, suppression,
and suspicion.
This long year marked – and continues to mark – one of the most
importan
t moments in South Asian and British history alike. Scholars of
South Asia have amply critiqued such Euro-American historiographies
that elided lesser-known examples of resistance to colonial authority. 2
Yet, the centrality of 1857 remains in both Euro-American and South
Asian historiographies. One might suggest this is precisely due to the
power accorded the initial weight afforded the Rebellion: to suggest it
lacks importance or centrality would be a post-colonial resistance to an
ongoing Euro-American hegemony. However, one might also suggest
that the brutality and scope of the Great Rebellion indicates its position
as essential and essentially climactic. The events of the Great Rebellion
and its component parts – the initial sepoy involvement, its spread to
civilians, its multiple massacres on both sides, the years of famine and
deaths that followed, and the brutal ways in which the British regime
sought to put down any hint of rebellion in its wake – are no doubt
enormously significant in size, scope, and its lasting imprint on
British and South Asian popular history and imagination. Despite its
overvaluation as the example of (ultimately quashed) Indian resistance to
British rule, the Great Rebellion is undeniably an exemplar of resistance,
and moreover, an indelible set of events which fundamentally altered the
ways in which India was ruled and how Britons saw the people and
landscape that they ruled. There can be no doubt that 1857 marks –
perhaps scars – the history and historiography of South Asia.
There is also little doubt that the massive imperial reconfiguration
and response to Rebellion fundamentally alters definitions of religion.
No scholar of religion and its study can afford to ignore South Asia: not
only have so many of the field’s founding thinkers based their theories
on Indic languages, literatures, and racial-linguistic definitions, but as
Peter Gottschalk has thoroughly established, the ways in which the
British categorized religion in India fundamentally alter how religion
is thought about, as a category, well beyond British rule and Indian
borders (issues discussed at length in Chapter 1). More topically,
however, neither can one ignore how the Great Rebellion seismically
reconfigured the ways in which both religion and particular religions are
INTRODUCTION
3
defined, characterized, and classified. In other words, 1857 marks not
only South Asian and British histories, but the history of the study of