My Spiritual Journey Read online

  ethics, 106, 124–126, 129–131, 160

  Five-Point Peace Plan, 225, 227–232, 234–235, 238

  freedom, 188, 190–191, 229

  friendship, 28–29

  Gandhi, Mahatma, 195–197

  Gendhun Chökyi Nyima, Eleventh Panchen Lama, 68

  genetics, 119, 124, 131

  Great Britain, 170, 196

  happiness: compassion and, 25–27, 88, 89, 122; humanity’s desire for, 16, 19, 20, 80, 110, 135; key to, 88–89; mecha- nisms creating, 94

  Harrer, Heinrich, 51–52

  hatred, 21, 28, 93, 96, 100, 129, 130

  holistic perspective, 23–24

  hope, 185, 259–260

  Hu Jintao, 242, 245, 276

  Hu Yaobang, 221–223

  humanity, 1, 8–10, 12–16, 109–114, 124– 125, 137–138

  “Hymn to the Buddha Who Transcends the World” (Nagarjuna), 127–128

  “I Pray for a More Loving Human Family,” 15

  ideologies, 13, 117

  ignorance, 93, 96–97, 154, 156, 157, 190

  impermanence, 56–58, 90–92

  India, 68, 168, 173, 180–184, 186–188, 196, 204, 205, 207, 210, 212, 213, 219, 224, 243, 248, 279

  interdependence: as Buddhist teaching, 11, 158; compassion and, 8–10, 14–15; and ecological responsibility, 154–160; and the ego, 100, 102, 107; as funda- mental, 93, 111; and impermanence, 90–92; society’s disregard of, 108–110, 113, 117–118; and universal responsi- bility, 13, 125, 127, 158; war and, 115

  International Commission of Jurists, 173, 201–202, 205, 206, 237–238, 265

  Jiang Zemin, 244, 254

  Kalachakra rites, 153, 280

  karma, 55, 65, 93, 152

  laughter, 23–24

  Lhasa, 168, 197–198, 211, 232, 238, 248– 250, 252

  Lhasa insurrection, 178–179, 204, 206, 275

  lineages, xiii, 42–45, 48, 55, 58–59, 62–70, 189

  love, 8–10, 14–15, 86, 89, 102, 107, 112–114

  Mao Tse-tung, 166, 176–177, 182, 208, 210, 211, 213, 221, 241

  Marx, Karl, 191

  materialism, 9–10, 28–29, 88–89, 113–114, 130

  “May I Remain in Order to Relieve the Sufferings of the World!”, 260–261

  meaning of life, 26–27

  meditation, 35–36, 77, 86, 94, 97–99, 130–131

  mental poisons, 93, 96–97, 99, 100

  Middle Way policy, 226, 240, 244, 246, 250–251, 276

  Mind and Life Institute, 120, 129

  monasticism, 76, 190–191

  Mongolia, 32–33, 58–59, 169–170, 177, 234, 248

  motivation, 83, 126, 152, 194

  Nagarjuna, 76, 127–128

  nature, 135–137, 151, 155

  Nehru, Jawaharlal, 173, 182–184, 248

  neuroscience, 119–120, 122, 123–124

  Nobel Peace Prize, 16–17, 69, 195, 236, 261, 280

  nonviolence: ahimsa zone of, 224–225; as Buddhist principle, 11, 135; essence of, 107, 194; in Tibetan politics, 196– 198, 219, 228, 235, 264

  patience, 19, 21–22

  peace: inner, 131, 259; Tibetan culture of, 168, 188, 207, 218–221, 224–225, 228–232; world, 15, 84, 109–110, 130, 153, 193–195

  phenomena, 90–94, 96, 107, 111

  pluralism, 1, 81–82, 87, 109–110

  politicians, 83

  pollution, 141–147, 208, 277

  prayer, 35, 77

  reality, 90–93, 96, 100–102, 121, 126, 129

  reason, 21, 76, 121

  reincarnation, 55, 62–63, 65–69, 135–136

  religion, 1, 77, 80–85, 87, 89, 102, 105, 126

  Reting Rinpoche, 46–47

  Samdhong Rinpoche, xv, xvi, 60, 69, 198, 204, 232, 249, 254

  Sangha, 190–191

  science: and Buddhism, 120–124, 127– 131; fate of humanity and, 119–120, 124–125, 137–138; invoking ethics, 124–126, 131; on mental experiences, 94; study of meditators, 130–131

  secular ethics, 125, 160

  self, 96, 97, 100–102, 107

  September 11 attacks, 109, 129–131

  Seventeen-Point Agreement, 173, 174, 177, 183, 197

  Shantideva, 250, 261, 280

  smiling, 28–29

  spiritual practice, 77–81, 96–98, 105–106. See also transforming the mind

  Strasbourg Proposal, 232, 234, 235, 246

  stream of consciousness, 81, 93, 95, 99

  study, 97, 99

  succession, 58–59, 62–65, 67, 69–70, 189

  suffering: and death, 57, 78; transcend- ing, 93, 96–99; understanding, 88, 94, 121–122; universality of, 16, 19, 20, 26, 27, 34, 80

  Tenzin Chögyal, 49, 208

  Tenzin Tsendu, 215, 251

  Thubten Gyatso, Thirteenth Dalai Lama, 42, 44–45, 48, 53, 55, 85, 169, 170

  Thubten Yeshe, 101–102

  Tibet: as buffer zone, 218–221, 224–225, 231; cheerfulness of people, 23, 136; democratization of, 187–189, 235; holistic perspective, 23–24; political history of, 168–171, 220, 227–228; respect for nature, 135–137, 139–140, 155. See also Chinese invasion and occupation of Tibet

  Tibetan Buddhism: link to Tibetan people, 60; monks and nuns, 62–63, 76; reality in, 101–102; succession of Dalai Lama, 58–59, 62–65, 67, 69–70, 189; tulku system, 64, 66–67

  Tibetan cause: citizens in exile, 180–182, 184–188; establishing Tibetan auton- omy, 276–278; Five-Point Peace Plan, 225, 227–232, 234–235, 238; hope for, 233–234, 252–255; Middle Way policy, 226, 240, 244, 246, 250–251, 276; negotiation attempts, 221–223, 226, 232–235, 240, 243–248, 250–251, 278; question of independence, 232 244, 246–248, 250–251; the Stras- bourg Proposal, 232, 234, 235, 246; summary of problems, 239–245; 2008 uprisings, 197–198, 242–243, 248–250, 252; and the United Nations, 172, 201–206, 210, 225

  Tibetan Youth Congress, 250–251

  transforming the mind: actualizing our potential, 96–99; analysis in, 88–89, 93–94, 96, 101, 121–122; cerebral plasticity, 122, 123; on conscious- ness, 94–95; perceptions of reality, 90–93, 101–102; training our emo- tions, 98–101; to transform the world, 106, 156

  transforming the world: by compas- sion, 112–114; embracing diversity, 109–110; ending war, 115–116; recog- nizing interdependence, 107–108, 111, 113; role of science, 119–120, 124–125, 137–138; through spiritual revolu- tion, 105–106; universal responsibil- ity for, 106, 109–110, 112–114, 117–118. See also ecological responsibility

  tulku system, 64, 66–67

  United Nations, 158, 171, 172, 201–206, 210, 225

  United States, 9–10, 109, 173, 175, 192

  universal responsibility, 11, 109–110, 112–114, 117–118, 135, 155, 158

  violence, 107, 194–195, 197–198

  war, 115–116, 263

  Westerners, 9–10, 28–29, 108, 116, 136

  wisdom, 96–99, 101, 102

  Wu Tai Shan, 85

  Acknowledgments

  We thank Caroline Parent and the Coup D’Oeil Society, who kindly authorized quotations from interviews conducted for the film Dalaï-lama: une vie après l’autre (The Dalai Lama: One Life After Another).

  The photographs on pages 3 and 71 are reprinted by courtesy of the Office of the Dalai Lama. The photograph on page 161 is courtesy of Win McNamee/Getty Images and reprinted with permission. The Dalai Lama’s Annual Speech to Commemorate the March 10, 1959 Lhasa Insurrection and the Kalachakra Mandala image on pages 275–280 are reproduced by courtesy of Ms. Sofia Stril-Rever and Samdhong Rinpoche.

  My Three

  Commitments

  in Life

  My first commitment in life, as a human being, is the promotion of human values and those qualities of spirit that are key elements in a happy life, whether of an individual, a family, or a community. These days it seems to me that we don’t cultivate these inner qualities enough; that is why my priority is to develop them.

  My second commitment in life, as a Buddhis
t monk, is the promotion of harmony among the different religions. In democracy we admit the necessity of pluralism in political life. But we hesitate when it’s a matter of the diversity of beliefs and religions. Despite their different concepts and philosophies, all the chief religious traditions bring us the same message of love, compassion, tolerance, temperance, and self-discipline. They also have in common their potential to help us lead a happier life.

  My third commitment in life, as the Dalai Lama, is the cause of Tibet, which concerns me very particularly. I have a special responsibility to the Tibetan people, for they continue to place their hope and confidence in me during this critical period of our history. The well-being of Tibetans is my constant motivation, and in their struggle for justice I consider myself their free spokesperson in exile.

  This last commitment will come to an end as soon as a mutually satisfying solution is found between the Tibetans and the Chinese. As for the first two commitments, I will maintain them until my final breath.1

  Editor’s Note

  When this book was originally published in French, the Dalai Lama approved the title as Mon autobiographie spirituelle, My Spiritual Autobiography. In his own words, the Dalai Lama charts his spiritual journey from his boyhood days in rural Tibet, to his years as a monk in the capital city of Dharamsala, to his life in exile as a world leader. However, it might be misleading not to acknowledge the enormous contribution of his translator, Sofia Stril-Rever. Through personal interviews and archival research, Ms. Stril-Rever has expertly interwoven the Dalai Lama’s personal reflections, Dharma talks, and public speeches (adding some of her own insights and useful historical background—printed here in italics) to create a linear presentation of His Holiness’s life lessons and spiritual teachings. It is indeed an autobiography as all statements are the Dalai Lama’s, but given the collaborative effort involved in creating this book, it is not an autobiography in the strictest sense. So to avoid any confusion, the publisher has chosen the title My Spiritual Journey for this English-language edition. This clarification should in no way be perceived as anything but an authentication of these inspiring stories, lessons, and spiritual truths as the Dalai Lama’s own, and an accurate and approved presentation of his spiritual journey through a most remarkable life.

  THE DALAI LAMA’S ANNUAL

  SPEECH TO COMMEMORATE

  THE MARCH 10, 1959,

  LHASA INSURRECTION

  March 10, 2007

  On the occasion of the 48th anniversary of the peaceful uprising of the Tibetan people in Lhasa in 1959, I pay homage to all Tibetans who have suffered and who have sacrificed their lives for the Tibetan cause. I offer my prayers for them. I also assert my solidarity with the men and women who are still suffering from repression and who are in prison now.

  In 2006, we observed both positive and negative changes in the People’s Republic of China. On one hand, the hard line position was intensified, notably with a campaign of vilification against us and, even more disturbing, heightened political restriction and repression in Tibet. On the other hand, in China itself, freedom of expression became visibly more widespread. In particular, Chinese intellectuals gave rise to the idea that it was necessary to develop a more meaningful society based on spiritual values. The idea that the system currently in place is unsuited to create such a society is gaining ground; hence the development of religious faith in general, and of interest in Buddhism and Tibetan culture in particular. What’s more, many people are expressing the wish that I make a pilgrimage to China and give teachings there.

  President Hu Jintao’s repeated call for a harmonious society is praiseworthy. The realization of such a society involves the development of trust among the people, which can only occur when freedom of expression, truth, justice, and equality reign. Therefore it is crucial that authorities at all levels not only approve these principles, but actually put them into practice.

  As to our relations with China, since 1974 we realized that the opportunity to open up a dialogue with China would inevitably present itself one day or another. We have been preparing ourselves to obtain a real autonomy in which all Tibetans would be unified, as the Chinese constitution solemnly states. In 1979, Deng Xiaoping suggested that apart from independence, all other problems concerning Tibet could all be resolved through negotiation. Since that agreed with our own conception, we opted for the policy of the mutually beneficial Middle Way. Since that time, during the twenty-eight years that have ensued, we have pursued this policy with steadfastness and sincerity. It was formulated after in-depth discussions and serious analyses with the aim of serving immediate and long-term interests of both Tibetans and Chinese. It also would contribute to peaceful coexistence in Asia and to the protection of the environment. This policy was endorsed and supported by many pragmatic Tibetans both inside and outside Tibet, as well as by many nations.

  The main reason behind my proposal for a genuine national regional autonomy for all Tibetans was to ensure true equality and to create a feeling of unity between Tibetans and Chinese, by eliminating both Han chauvinism and local nationalism. It would contribute to the stability of the country thanks to mutual help, trust and friendship between our two nationalities. It would also help maintain our cultural wealth and our language in proper balance between material and spiritual development, for the benefit of all humanity.

  It is true that the Chinese constitution guarantees minority nationalities a national regional autonomy. The problem is that this principle is not fully put into practice. That explains why its aim, which is explicit, has not been realized: protecting the identity, culture and language of minority nationalities. What occurs on the ground is that entire populations belonging to the majority nationalities have settled in regions belonging to the minorities. Consequently, the minority nationalities, instead of being able to preserve their own identity, culture and language, have had no choice but to adopt the language and customs of the majority nationality in their own daily lives. Hence the danger of the progressive extinction of the languages and rich traditions of the minority nationalities. There is nothing inherently wrong with wanting to develop infrastructure, like railroads. Nonetheless these are the source of many problems, for since the railroad became operational, Tibet has experienced a renewed transfer of Chinese population, an acceleration of the deterioration of its environment, an increase in pollution, a mismanagement of water and exploitation of natural resources—all causes of the country’s devastation and the ruin of the people living in it.

  Although there are a number of educated, competent members of the Communist Party who belong to minority nationalities, it is regrettable that so few of them have obtained leadership positions on a national level. Some of them have even been accused of separatism. If we want to obtain tangible benefits for both the majority and minority nationalities, as well as for the central and regional governments, a meaningful autonomy should be established. Since this autonomy concerns minority nationalities in particular, the demand to see all Tibetans placed under one single administration is sincere, just and transparent. It is clear to the world that we have no hidden agenda. So it is a sacred duty for all Tibetans to continue the struggle until this reasonable demand is realized. It doesn’t matter how long it will take; our ardor and determination will remain unchanged until the accomplishment of our aspirations. The struggle of the Tibetan people is not a fight for the special status of a few individuals; it is the struggle of an entire people. We have already transformed the Tibetan administration and community in exile into an authentically democratic structure which has seen a succession of leaders elected by the people itself. Thus we have put into place a deep-rooted, vibrant social and political institution that will continue our struggle from generation to generation. In the end, the ultimate decisions will be made democratically by the people itself.

  Since the resumption of direct contact between Tibetans and Chinese in 2002, my representatives have led five rounds of comprehensive discussions with the represen
tatives of the People’s Republic of China responsible for the matter. During these discussions, both parties were able to express in clear terms the suspicions, doubts, and real difficulties that persist on both sides. These discussion sessions nevertheless helped us create a channel of communication between both parties. The Tibetan delegation stands ready to continue the dialogue at any time and any place. The Kashag (Cabinet) will give details in its own report.

  I congratulate all the Tibetans in Tibet who, as members of the Communist Party, leaders, officials, professionals and others, have maintained the Tibetan spirit by conscientiously pursuing their efforts in the interest of the Tibetan people. I express my profound admiration for the Tibetans in Tibet who, despite all the challenges, have worked to preserve the Tibetan identity, culture and language. I admire their determination and unwavering courage in realizing the aspirations of the Tibetan people. I am certain they will continue to struggle for our common cause with devotion and determination. I ask all Tibetans both inside and outside Tibet to work together for a secure future based on equality and harmony between nationalities.

  I would like to take this opportunity to thank the people and government of India from the bottom of my heart for their generosity and unwavering, incomparable support.

  I express all my gratitude to the governments and peoples of the international community for the interest and support they bring to the Tibetan cause.

  With my prayers for the peace and wellbeing of all sentient beings.

  In the heart of the galaxy, the Kalachakra mandala, the Wheel of Time, is dedicated to Peace. It is inscribed in the dimension of boundless, all-encompassing love, expressed by this prayer by Shantideva, which the Dalai Lama quoted in Oslo at the end of his acceptance speech for the Nobel Peace Prize. This prayer is printed here in Tibetan, Chinese, French, and English.

  The Dalai Lama’s signature was affixed on February 11, 2008, in Dharamsala.